When seeking health care, immigrants face some challenges that are unique to the general population. Below is a list of the barriers that immigrants face when accessing health care.
No regular source of care (more...)
Cultural and linguistic
barriers (more...)
Service (more...)
Access to affordable health
insurance (more...)
Awareness or perceptions of
available health coverage options (more...)
Experiences with health
insurance or the health system (more...)
Level of trust in government
sponsored programs (more...)
Complementary or alternative
therapies (more...)
Barriers for different immigrant populations:
Children (more...)
Within Immigrant Groups (more...) References
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No Regular Source of Care
Many Hispanics in the U.S. lack a regular source of care:
(1) Twenty-five percent of Hispanic people in the U.S. turn to community health centers for their regular source of care,
compared with 8% of the overall population.
(1)
Forty percent of Hispanics (v. 20% whites, 24% total population) are without
a regular doctor and 7% lack a regular source of care or use the
emergency room as their regular source of care.(1, 2)
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Cultural and linguistic barriers
Linguistic barriers to care are among the strongest barriers for immigrants. Among
non-English speakers who said they needed an interpreter during a health care
visit, only 48% said they always or usually had one.(3)
Of those who were assisted by an interpreter
(staff, family, friend), only 70 % fully understood what the doctor
was saying.(3)
Thirty three percent of Hispanics vs.
16% whites reported either: their doctor did not listen to everything
they said, they did not fully understand their doctor, or they had
questions but did not ask them.(1)
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Service
Twice as many Hispanics as whites (18% v. 9%) felt they
had been
treated with disrespect at their last doctor’s visit
because of their
race, ethnicity, inability to speak English,
or pay for the
visit.(1)
Asians were the group who most often reported they had long waiting times for
service approval from an insurance company (85% Asian vs.67%whites) and long waiting times for specialists (85%
Asian vs. 74% whites). Asians also most often reported having trouble obtaining
treatment when needed (72% Asian vs. 55% whites).(4, 5)
Asians give their health plans
a fair/poor/very poor rating for ease of getting staff by phone,
ease of scheduling appointments by phone, access to specialist when
needed, lab tests ordered by primary physician, and ease of getting
referral for mental health more than any other racial/ethnic group.(4) |
Access to affordable health
insurance is a significant barrier for many immigrants.
Twenty-five percent of the 42.6 million Americans who are uninsured are
Hispanic.(6)
Most uninsured people (75%)
are employed or are the dependents of employees.(7)
A majority of the uninsured
reported that they had a need for physician care and were prevented from seeking
service by an inability to pay.(7)
The chronically uninsured,
and to a lesser extent, the temporarily uninsured use significantly fewer
preventive or early-detection services than their insured counterparts.
(7)
A delay in use of primary
care service may increase the need for a costly course of ambulatory treatment
or hospitalization, outcomes that may increase the mental and physical suffering
experienced by patients and may reduce the potential effectiveness of public
policies that are intended to control spending of health services.(7)
Compared with non-Hispanics,
Hispanics were 85% less likely to have used care in the previous year that would
have prevented illness or reduced risk.(8)
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Awareness or perceptions of
available health coverage options can differ between immigrants and non-immigrants.
Due to a lack of information in print, radio, and video
translated into
different languages, many immigrants are unaware of low cost
health
coverage for which their children might be eligible.(6, 9)
Many
immigrants work for employers who do not offer coverage, or feel the costs are
too high relative to benefits provided and the perceived need for care.(6)
An immigrant's degree of acculturation has an effect
on whether he or she will use public assistance of any kind.(9)
Forty-one percent of Hispanics say complying
with doctor’s advice costs
too much.(2)
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Many people of color and non native speakers of English have had negative experiences with health insurance or the health system
Eighteen percent of Hispanics (vs. 1 % of whites) believe
they would have better care if they had been of a different race.(1) Twice as many Hispanics as whites (18%
v. 9%) felt they had been treated with disrespect at their last doctor’s visit
because of their race, ethnicity, inability to speak English, or ability to pay
for the visit.(1)
More Hispanics than white
non-Hispanics reported having experience barriers to care, and more than four
times as many Hispanics felt their ethnicity/race was a barrier against
receiving better care.(8) |
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Level of trust in government
sponsored programs
A new federal law, the Illegal
Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act went into effect in December
1997. It was highly controversial among the immigrant population. It established a requirement of any immigrant to the U.S. for an affadavit of support from a citizen willing to serve as sponsor to the immigrant. Many sponsored immigrants expressed concern that the affadavit put their
sponsor at risk of being sued for reimbursement of federally funded health care
programs.(9) Such concerns gave rise to a widespread belief that using
health care would compromise immigrants' future ability to sponsor
relatives.(9)
Public
charge is the determination by the Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS)
or the State Department of an immigrants’ dependency on government assistance,
resulting in denied admission to the U.S. or ineligibility for
permanent resident status and possible deportation.(9) The
new standard, established in 1999, says only long term care can be a public
charge; however, misunderstandings due to lack of available and understandable
information and confidence in fidelity of government agents to the laws causes a
great deal of fear in immigrants, leading many to avoid the risk they see in seeking health care.(9,10)
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Complementary or alternative therapies
Without fully knowing their attitudes
and behavioral practices, it can
be problematic for health care professionals to
properly diagnose and
provide care for immigrants. One way people from various cultures differ from one another and from mainstream U.S. population is in their use of complementary and alternative therapies for health.
Hispanics are more likely to use alternative therapies
than whites (22% vs. 4%).(1)
Hispanics are nearly twice as likely as
whites (30% vs. 16%) to say they use alternative therapies because it is a
cheaper way of getting care.(1)
Only 50% of Hispanics compared
with 70% of whites tell their doctor about their use of
complementary therapies.(3)
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Immigrant Children
One-fifth of all children
are immigrants (3%) or U.S. born child of immigrants (16%).(11) Roughly 85% of all immigrant
families in the U.S. are of mixed status, where the parents are immigrants and
their children are U.S. born.(12)
Two recent studies by the
Current Population Study, which asks about immigrant status, show that
foreign-born children in the U.S. and residing in California are at a significantly
higher risk of being uninsured than native-born children of immigrants or U.S.
born parents.(13) Of 9 million Latino children
nationally, 25% are uninsured.(13) In California, Hispanic
children are 3 times more likely than whites to be uninsured.(13) The rate of uninsurance
among U.S. born children of immigrant parents was two times that of immigrant
children of immigrant parents and six times that of U.S. born children of U.S.
born parents.(12)
Language has also affected
access to care for immigrant children.
Children whose survey was
conducted in English were 2.6 times more likely to have regular source of
care than children surveyed in another language.(14)
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Immigrant Groups and Health Insurance
Most government expenditure
to immigrants is for the elderly, mostly those from European countries and
Canada.(15)
Immigrants from Central
America, the Caribbean, Vietnam, and Korea are the most likely to lack health insurance coverage,
while immigrants from Europe and Canada have the highest insurance rates.
(15)
Lack of health insurance for
Caribbean, Central Americans, and Koreans is most often due to lack of employer
coverage.(15)
Refugees
Other differences between
immigrant groups are due to differences in refugee status. Cubans and Russians accepted as refugees
were granted educational opportunities, training programs, loans, direct cash,
food allowances, and health care.(15) Immigrants from Guatemala
and El Salvador, although fleeing political persecution, were not granted
refugee status and therefore do not receive governmental assistance.
(15)
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References:
1. Doty M, Ives B. Quality of health care for
Hispanic populations. Findings from
the Commonwealth Fund 2001 health care quality survey. (Commonwealth Fund Pub. no. 526.) New York City: The Commonwealth Fund,
2002. 2. Collins K, Hughes D, Doty M, et al. Diverse
communities, common concerns: assessing health care quality for minority
Americans. Findings from the
Commonwealth Fund 2001 health care quality survey. (Commonwealth Fund Pub. no. 523.) New York City: The Commonwealth Fund,
2002.
3. Doty M. Hispanic patients’ double burden:
lack of health insurance and limited English. (Commonwealth Fund Pub. no. 592.) New York City: The Commonwealth Fund,
2003.
4. Snyder RE, Cunningham W, Nakazono TT, et al. Access to medical care reported by Asians and Pacific Islanders in a West Coast physician group association. Med Care Res Rev 2000 Jun;57(2):196-215.
5. The Healthy Community Collaborative
of San Mateo County. 2004 Community Assessment: Health and Quality of Life in
San Mateo County. Redwood City, CA: The Healthy Community Collaborative of
San Mateo County, 2004. www.plsinfo.org/healthysmc/201/access_to_health_care_services.html
6. Perry M, Kannel S, Castillo E.
Barriers to health coverage for
Hispanic workers: focus group
findings.
(Commonwealth Fund Pub. no. 425.)
New York City: The
Commonwealth Fund, 2000.
7. Broyles RW, Narine L, Brandt EN, Jr. The temporarily and chronically
uninsured:
does their use of primary care differ? J Health Care Poor
Underserved
2002;13(1):95-111.
8. Guendelman S, Wagner TH. Health services utilization among Latinos and white
non-Latinos: results from a national survey. J Health Care Poor Underserved
2000;11(2):179-94.
9. Cook B. Building bridges: overcoming the
barriers to enrolling immigrants and refugees in Massachusetts health insurance
programs. MA: Health Care for All, 2000 Oct; www.accessprojects.org
10. Schlosberg C, Wiley D. The impact of INS
public charge determinations on immigrant access to health care. http://www.nhelp.org/pubs/019980522publiccharge.html
11.Ku L, Matani S. Left out: immigrants' access to health care and insurance.
Health Aff (Millwood) 2001;20(1):247-56.
12.Granados G, Puvvula J, Berman N, Dowling PT. Health care for Latino children:
impact of child and parental birthplace on insurance status and access
to health
services. Am J Public Health 2001;91(11):1806-7.
13. Guendelman S, Schauffler H, Samuels S. Differential access and utilization of
health services by immigrant and native-born children in working poor
families
in California. J Health Care Poor Underserved
2002;13(1):12-23.
14. Sonis J. Association between duration of residence and access to ambulatory care
among Caribbean immigrant adolescents. Am J Public Health
1998;88(6):964-6. 15. Carrasquillo O, Carrasquillo AI, Shea S. Health insurance coverage of immigrants
living in the United States: differences by citizenship status and
country of
origin. Am J Public Health 2000;90(6):917-23.
This research was supported by a National Library of Medicine (NLM)
Publication Grant #5G08 LM07653-02 in support of the creation of a web site
titled Factline: Tracking Health in Underserved Communities, www.factline.org.
Saqi S. Maleque, MSPH, Researcher, Principal Investigator: Virginia Brennan,
PhD.
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